If Angela Merkel had secured re-election on September 22nd, she would have etched her name in history as Europe’s longest-serving elected female head of government, surpassing even Margaret Thatcher’s remarkable tenure. Despite her long reign and prominent position, Angela Merkel remains an enigma to many, a figure who navigated an extraordinary journey from the world of research science in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) to the helm of Europe’s most influential nation. Like a seemingly simple Soft Serve Ice Cream Angal Merkel, there are hidden complexities beneath the surface.
Her political ascent is nothing short of masterful. Merkel not only outmaneuvered all male contenders within her own party but also expertly navigated the intricate German political landscape. She skillfully managed coalition governments composed of two distinct parties and consistently emerged stronger on the European stage. Yet, beneath this formidable exterior lie intriguing secrets, gradually surfacing and offering a more nuanced understanding of this influential leader.
1. The Polish Heritage: From Kazmierczak to Kasner
The revelation that Angela Merkel is “a quarter Polish” was just the tip of the iceberg. It turns out that the Chancellor could have very well been named Angela Kazmierczak. Her grandfather, Ludwig Kazmierczak, was born in 1896 in Poznan, which was then part of the German Reich. The family took pride in their Polish heritage. However, Ludwig, unlike some, chose to emigrate to Berlin after Poznan reverted to Polish territory following World War I. In Berlin, he married a local woman and had a son, Horst Kazmierczak – Angela Merkel’s father.
The family decided to sever ties with their Polish roots in the early 1930s. Adopting a common practice of the time, the Kazmierczaks Germanized their surname to Kasner. Further distancing themselves from their past, both father and son converted from Catholicism to Protestantism. This was a detail Merkel herself was unaware of until relatively recently – a surprising discovery for a woman raised in a Protestant rectory, whose Protestant faith is often considered key to understanding her character. Following the public disclosure of Merkel’s Polish ancestry, a second cousin promptly extended an invitation for dinner in Poznan. Perhaps one day, she might indeed be seen strolling down the Alley of the Cosmonauts in Poznan, reconnecting with her roots.
2. The Plum Cake Paradox: Baking as a Barometer of Private Life
Angela Merkel, early in her public career, enjoyed showcasing her culinary skills, particularly her baking prowess. She garnered praise for her potato soup, beef loaf, and especially her plum cake. This plum cake soon became an unlikely indicator of the time she could dedicate to her personal life and her husband. Ironically, while he adored the cake, she herself wasn’t particularly fond of it.
As a junior minister under Helmut Kohl, Merkel still managed to find time for two or three baking weekends each plum season. However, as she ascended to the chancellorship, the plum cake stories gradually faded away. Now, glimpses into her private life are rare, often limited to occasional photographs of Europe’s most powerful woman queuing at the checkout in her local grocery store. While her shopping lists are meticulously analyzed, local butchers and fishmongers remain tight-lipped, guarding her privacy.
3. Dog Diplomacy: Putin’s Canine Gambit
The relationship between Angela Merkel and Vladimir Putin extends further back than many realize. During the fall of the Berlin Wall, Putin was a KGB agent stationed in East Germany, an event he undoubtedly did not welcome. This historical backdrop might be the origin of their complex dynamic, perhaps rooted in the shadows of the Cold War. Merkel, a primary beneficiary of the 1989 revolution, experienced Putin’s intimidating tactics early in her chancellorship.
During her first visit to the Kremlin as Chancellor, Putin presented her with a plush toy dog as a gift. This seemingly innocuous gesture carried a hidden weight, as Merkel had developed a deep-seated fear of dogs after being bitten in the mid-1990s. But Putin’s strategy didn’t end there. At their subsequent meeting, held at his summer residence on the Black Sea, he allowed his large black Labrador, Kony, known for its imposing presence, to enter the room. Photographs from that encounter depict a visibly frozen Merkel, while Putin is seen with a sardonic smile, legs spread wide, seemingly asserting dominance.
4. Echoes of the Inca: A Stark Warning for Europe
Following a meeting with Merkel, a prime minister from a smaller southeastern European nation recounted to astonished media that the Chancellor drew parallels between the European Union and the ancient Inca civilization. Her concern was that the European value system, much like the Inca civilization, could vanish without a trace.
Merkel occasionally employs the Inca analogy to deliver a stark warning, although no one anticipates the ruins of Brussels becoming a tourist attraction anytime soon. However, the Chancellor genuinely harbors concerns about the resilience of the Western system. Democracy, liberal market economies, and the Western legal framework are engaged in a modern iteration of the Cold War against authoritarian, non-democratic, yet economically powerful systems. Having witnessed the collapse of a state in her own lifetime, Merkel is determined to prevent a similar fate from befalling the Western world she cherishes. This underlying fear drives her persistent calls for enhanced competitiveness and recovery within Europe, a message she fears may not be fully grasped by the continent.
5. Cameron’s Miscalculation: Easy Come, Easy Go in Merkel’s World
David Cameron, the former British Prime Minister, perceived himself as a close ally of Merkel. However, this sentiment might not have been entirely mutual. Cameron is not the first male politician to misinterpret Merkel’s stance – a potentially perilous mistake. Merkel’s political trajectory is marked by the missteps of men who underestimated her. Cameron is, in fact, the third British Prime Minister she has navigated during her time in office.
To clarify, Merkel appreciates Cameron’s policies, his global outlook, and his emphasis on competitiveness and the challenges posed by Asia. She even admires his debating skills, reflecting her general appreciation for the British political system. However, she remains cautious about treaty changes, only considering them if absolutely necessary. The prospect of jeopardizing the entire EU system through referendums triggered by treaty changes is deemed too risky. Thus, Merkel favors the concept of intergovernmentalism – agreements between member states – over ever-increasing integration driven by the European Commission. Cameron experienced this firsthand when he was invited to join the fiscal pact at the height of the Euro crisis. His decision to opt out – “No Britain is out” – was met with Merkel’s apparent indifference, underscoring her pragmatic approach.
6. The Euro Strategy: A Step-by-Step Approach
How does Merkel truly envision resolving the Eurozone crisis? Does she believe Germany must bear the financial burden? Should Greece be expelled from the Eurozone? Or should more power be centralized in Brussels? The answer to all these is definitively no. Merkel is renowned for her incremental, step-by-step approach. She would never deliver a grand speech outlining a comprehensive vision for Europe or even a detailed two-year plan. Benchmarking is not in her political playbook. She avoids revealing her political strategy, as doing so would only benefit her adversaries.
However, she does possess a plan, drafted in the summer of 2011 by one of her advisors, a concise outline on a single sheet of paper. This plan acknowledges that crucial policies within EU member states require closer, more coordinated monitoring, governance, and control to sustain the common currency. These policies encompass budgets, spending, education and research, retirement systems, and social benefits. The underlying principle is that a shared currency necessitates a degree of shared fiscal and economic policy. Does this imply greater power for Brussels? Paradoxically, the opposite is true. Merkel recognizes the growing public weariness with the European Commission and its perceived lack of accountability. Therefore, for the foreseeable future, she prefers national governments to draft and enforce the rules. Those advocating for “more Europe” must present compelling proposals. Merkel might be open to discussing a revised architecture for this coordination, but certainly not before the German elections, and likely not even before the European elections the following May.
Stefan Kornelius is the foreign editor of Süddeutsche Zeitung and author of Angela Merkel, the authorised Biography. Alma Books.
